“We shall fight on the beaches…”

mid
Winston Churchill, speech to the House of Commons, 4th June, 1940:

The British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need, will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe, this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God’s good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.

“We shall fight them on the beaches.” – Winston Churchill, 4 June 1940

On 4th June 1940, Winston Churchill delivered one of his most famous speeches in the House of Commons. Acknowledging the military disaster that had befallen the British and French armies in Belgium and Northern France, the sacrifice of the rearguard at Boulogne and Calais, and the evacuation over over 300,000 men from Dunkirk, Churchill vowed that Britain would fight on.

Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end. We shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be. We shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender, and if, which I do not for a moment believe, this island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God’s good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the liberation of the old.

Fracking the Kaiser? Royal Navy experiments with shale oil in 1914.

Shale oil in 1914? There’s nowt new under the sun.

Mr. EDGAR JONES asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he has caused any experiments to be conducted for the extraction of oil fuel from coal or shale, or caused any inquiries to be made as to the comparative cost of oil extraction by any of the processes now being adopted by commercial concerns?

Mr. CHURCHILL The Admiralty have made some experimental extractions on a small scale of oil from certain shales in the United Kingdom, and the various commercial processes for extracting oil from coal and shale are being watched with the keenest interest. It is not practicable to give any comparative details, as much experimental work is still being done.

Source: United Kingdom. Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 5th ser., vol 58, cc920-1 (1914).

Royal Navy battleships 1905

Royal Navy battleships in commission with full crews, 1st April, 1905.

There were thirty four battleships in commission. Of these, twenty were assigned to Home waters, eight were with the Mediterranean Fleet, five were on the China Station, and one was employed on trooping service.

Home waters:

Albemarle

Atlantic (at Gibraltar)

Caesar

Cornwallis

Duncan

Exmouth

King Edward VII

Hannibal

Illustrious

Magnificent

Majestic

Mars

Montagu

Prince George

Revenge

Russell

Royal Sovereign

Swiftsure

Triumph

HMS Albemarle, 1903.

Mediterranean:

Bulwark

Formidable

Implacable

Irresistible

London

Prince of Wales

Queen

Venerable

HM Bulwark, IWM Q 21052B.

China:

Albion

Centurion

Glory

Ocean

Vengeance

Other:

Barfleur was also temporarily in commission with full crew in trooping service.

HMS Barfleur, from “The Navy and Army Illustrated” 1897.

Source: United Kingdom. Hansard Parliamentary Debates, 5th ser., vol. 47, col. 635-7W.

“The Navy’s here!” HMS Cossack frees prisoners from the Altmark, 16 February 1940

On 16 February, 1940, Royal Navy Tribal-class destroyer HMS Cossack (Capt. Philip Vian, RN) pursued the German prison ship Altmark into Jøssingfjord, Norway, and freed 299 prisoners of war.

The orders to enter neutral Norwegian waters had been approved personally by the First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill. If Capt. Vian was unable to secure the cooperation of the Norwegian authorities to search the Altmark – which herself was in violation of Norwegian neutrality – then he was ordered to board the Nazi vessel regardless, as a copy of the Admiralty signal to Vian shows:

Signal from Admiralty to Captain (D) 4th Flotilla.

Signal from Admiralty to Captain (D) 4th Flotilla sent 16th February 1940.

The official Norwegian inspection of Altmark when she entered territorial waters had, on three separate occasions, failed to discover the 299 prisoners held in the ship’s hold. How thorough were these inspections? To what extent was Adm. Carsten Tank-Nielsen complicit in letting the German’s continue their deception? Where the Norwegians attempting to curry favour Germany? These are questions worthy of debate at another time.

Vian was unable to secure the co-operation of the Norwegian authorities, beyond yet another assurance that the were no prisoners held on the Altmark. At 22:20 on the night of 16th February 1940, Vian brought HMS Cossack alongside the Altmark and sent a boarding party. After a bloody struggle, the armed German guards were overpowered and the prisoners were located.

“Any Englishmen here?”

“Yes! We are all British!”

“Well, the Navy’s here!”

The boarding party from HMS Cossack tackled the Altmark’s German guards in hand-to-hand fighting with fixed bayonets and cutlasses. It was the last recorded use of the cutlass in a boarding action by the Royal Navy.

Cutlass, 1900 Pattern. From the Canadian War Museum.

Concluding the action, Capt. Vian signalled the Admiralty with news of his success, as this copy of his signal shows:

Capt. Vian's signal to the Admiralty sent on the morning of 17 February 1940.

Capt. Vian’s signal to the Admiralty sent on the morning of 17 February 1940.

HMS Cossack left Jøssingfjord unmolested by Norwegian ships, although official protests were lodged through diplomatic channels. She arrived at Leith where she landed the rescued merchant seamen. Vian was awarded the DSO for his actions on the night of 16th/17th February and the phrase, “The Navy’s here!” would enter the history books.

HMS ‘Cossack’ and the prison ship ‘Altmark’, 16 February 1940, by Norman Wilkinson. Painting in collection of National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. Copyright Norman Wilkinson Estate.

Without the Royal Navy there would have been no Manhattan Project

Cracking article by Lisa Jardine. Worth reading in its entirety. But how does it tie to matters naval, I hear you ask? Polaris? Trident? Nope. In 1936, worried that the Nazis might gain access to his patents and develop an understanding that would lead them towards furthering research on their own atomic weapon, Szilard transferred ownership of his patents (40,023 and 630,726 lodged in 1934) to the Royal Navy. So… that’s the connection… proof that without the Royal Navy there would have been no Manhattan Project.

A Point of View: The man who dreamed of the atom bomb

Leo Szilard was the man who first realised that nuclear power could be used to build a bomb of terrifying proportions. Lisa Jardine considers what his story has to say about the responsibilities of science.

The figure of Hungarian physicist Leo Szilard loomed large in our house when I was a child. He was held up to me as an exemplary figure in science – a man who had made fundamental breakthroughs in nuclear physics, but whose acute sense of moral probity led him in the end to denounce the very advances he had helped make. Only later did I learn an alternative version of his story.

Almost exactly 80 years ago, in early October 1933, Szilard was in London, in transit from Nazi Germany, when an idea came to him that would lead directly to the ultimate weapon of war – the atomic bomb.

An article in the Times two weeks earlier had reported a lecture at the British Association by Lord Rutherford – the Nobel prize-winning British physicist and head of the Cavendish Laboratory in Cambridge. Rutherford had described splitting the atom by bombarding it with protons, but had gone on to say that any suggestion that the energy released might be harnessed as a source of power was “talking moonshine”.

The report caught Szilard’s attention. He pondered it obsessively. Surely Rutherford was wrong? Then, early on a dismal, grey morning, as he waited on foot at a traffic light to cross busy Southampton Row near his hotel, the answer came to him in a flash.

If a neutron, fired at an atom, produces the release of (say) two neutrons, each of which hits another atom, which both in turn release two more neutrons, which each go on to collide with two further atoms, a nuclear chain reaction would take place, releasing unimaginable amounts of energy.

Szilard tells this story twice, with slightly differing details. But the tale itself is consistent and delightfully vivid. The challenge of Rutherford’s remark, the heavy cold that had prevented Szilard’s attending the lecture, the days spent thinking about it and the flash of inspiration just as the traffic light changed.

Szilard immediately recognised the importance of his idea. To ensure its security he patented it in the name of the British Admiralty. The patent included a clear description of “neutron induced chain reactions to create explosions”.

In August 1939, by which time Szilard had moved on to America, he wrote to President Franklin Roosevelt to inform him that “a nuclear chain reaction in a large mass of uranium” was undoubtedly possible, and could lead to the construction of “extremely powerful bombs of a new type”. Germany, he warned, might even now be developing such a weapon. “A single bomb of this type,” he wrote, “carried by boat and exploded in a port, might very well destroy the whole port together with some of the surrounding territory.”

Leo Szilard in 1945

The letter was signed by Szilard and Albert Einstein. By the time it reached Roosevelt, Germany had invaded Poland. With war now a certainty, the urgency was not lost on the US president. A committee was set up to pursue the nuclear initiative, out of which emerged what came to be known as the Manhattan Project – the hugely ambitious and massively funded programme to develop a functioning atomic bomb in the shortest possible time.

But less than six years later in 1945, Szilard campaigned with equal passion to persuade the American government not to use the atomic bomb against a civilian population. He understood better than anyone the enormity of the devastation such a weapon could cause. But his petition, although signed by a large number of nuclear physicists, never reached the president.

So devastated was Szilard at his failure to avert the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki (the story I was brought up on concluded) that he refused to do any further work in nuclear physics. Instead he moved research areas entirely, to molecular biology – a field concerned with the origins of life rather than its destruction. To my father this audacious step captured the essence of scientific moral responsibility. And I carried Szilard’s story with me as I grew up.

Today, however, I know that inspiring as it is, there are problems with this tale. As often happens with history, we have to treat with caution a narrative that fits so neatly the interests and preoccupations of the age in which it is written.

At the time I was being told this story, Britain was in the depths of the Cold War. In the post-war years it turned out that Szilard (and indeed my own father) found it impossible to obtain work on any scientific project that involved nuclear physics. Though they were barely aware of the stigma themselves, the communist sympathies of their youth barred them from getting the necessary security clearance.

So Szilard did not leave physics of his own accord. At the end of the war he was abruptly dismissed from the Manhattan Project by its military head, Gen Leslie Groves. Groves had always suspected him of having Russian sympathies, and now deemed him too high a security risk. Forced to change field, Szilard was indeed prescient in choosing molecular biology, which less than a decade later would uncover “the secret of life” in the form of the structure of DNA.

Szilard’s wartime boss Gen Leslie Groves suspected him of Russian sympathies

My father’s exemplary tale unravels further when we consider the way it presents the progress towards a functioning atomic bomb. It narrates a smooth development from Rutherford’s lecture in London, through Szilard’s (and his fellow-emigres’) journey from Nazi Germany via London to the United States, and Szilard’s single-minded preoccupation with the potential threat of nuclear weapons, to the Manhattan Project, and finally to its very American triumphant – or tragic – outcome.

But actually Szilard the Hungarian had carried out the crucial early research with the Italian emigre Enrico Fermi, continuing it with him in the early years of the Manhattan Project, where the two of them succeeded in creating a controlled chain reaction – a prerequisite for a functioning bomb. Meanwhile, independently in Britain considerable progress was being made towards a nuclear weapon (a project code-named “Tube Alloys”) with the direct encouragement of the prime minister Winston Churchill (who as Graham Farmelo tells us in a recent book, was surprisingly up-to-date himself in nuclear physics). In September 1940 the so-called Tizard mission delivered the top secret work of Tube Alloys to the Americans, to be developed with the greater manpower and financial resources available in the US. The British work made its own vital contribution to the project.

Trinity monument in US state of New Mexico – site of the first atomic bomb test

Here is a much more fragmented, syncopated and international story, in which it is entirely unclear whether any one nation ultimately takes the credit or blame for the science and engineering behind the atomic bomb. Nor does it carry the clear didactic message of my original.

There is one final twist to what started out as a simple story. Some of you will have noticed that I gave the date of Szilard’s eureka moment at that traffic light on Southampton Row as October 1933. You may have had a date in September in your mind. The truth is, Szilard tells the story twice, as I mentioned. In one version he records reading the Times report and immediately having the idea of a chain reaction (on 12 September). In the other he recalls fretting over the problem for weeks in his hotel room and pacing the streets of London deep in thought, until the idea eventually came to him (in early October).

So although the beginning of the story comes from the mouth of the man himself, we cannot be certain which version is correct. As a historian I have chosen the second as the more plausible, particularly in view of that heavy cold which Szilard tells us prevented his attending Rutherford’s lecture on 11 September. But that remains surmise.

Historical narratives are never without their agendas. My father’s generation lived under the shadow of Hiroshima and Nagasaki – he had been sent to do reconnaissance there only a few months after the bombs were dropped and had seen the consequences all too close up. He told me a story which redeemed the scientist from the enormity of events brought about by fundamental research in physics. It was a story that held the scientist responsible for lethal applications of “pure” research, and proposed Szilard as an iconic figure, for recognising and taking that responsibility upon himself.

My father’s story of Leo Szilard may not have been the truth. But it taught me, as a child, a lasting, salutary lesson about science and human values.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-24395740

Historian Lisa Jardine is Professor of Renaissance Studies at University College, London, where she is director of the Centre for Interdisciplinary Research in the Humanities.

Britain ‘must have two aircraft carriers to be global player’

This really has nothing to do with being a “global power” or “punching above one’s weight” or any of the the other trite reasons so often given by politicians and civil servants who don’t understand the fundamental and abiding reason that Britain requires a strong, capable navy. It is not about the Prime Minister playing with toy boats in a global bathtub and having something shiny to hang his bunting on during national holidays. It is this: Britain is an island nation dependent upon international trade and all of those lovely trade goods arrive by sea in 2013 just as they did in 1913. If you want the shipping lanes to be safe and secure then you need a strong, capable navy. Otherwise the nation starves. That’s it. Nothing to do with the capability to lob cruise missiles into Syria, nothing to do with threatening to stick one up the Iranians, nothing to do with being better than the French. Just life-or-death trade. Karl Dönitz understood that. Winston Churchill understood that. The Chinese understand it. So should the pillock who currently rents 10 Downing Street.

Britain ‘must have two aircraft carriers to be global player’

Britain must have two working aircraft carriers if it wants to be a global military player, a Foreign Office parliamentary aide has said.


Mr Ellwood said: “The UK either needs a carrier capability or it does not.” Photo: REUTERS

A Government cost-cutting proposal to mothball or sell one of two carriers being built would be a poor use of public money, Tobias Ellwood MP said in a report for a military think tank.

Trying to rely on a single carrier would also undermine the UK’s ability to cope with international crises.

Mr Ellwood said: “The UK either needs a carrier capability or it does not.

“If it does, then a minimum of two are required in order to have one permanently available.”

Running both carriers would cement Britain’s position as “a global player with a military power of the first rank,” he said.

The Government has yet to decide the fate of the two 65,000 ton Queen Elizabeth class carriers currently being built, but the 2010 defence review proposed selling one or keeping it mothballed to save money.

Mr Ellwood, in a report for the Royal United Services Institute, said: “A £3-billion carrier waiting in ‘suspended animation’ in Portsmouth to be activated has political consequences, as does the selling of a ship at a loss.

“Neither option is a sensible use of taxpayers’ money. Indeed, the latter should be firmly disregarded.”

He said the lack of British carriers during the 2011 Libya campaign had meant that RAF Tornadoes and Typhoons had been forced to fly a 3,000 mile round trip from the UK to hit Col Gaddafi’s forces.

Even when a base became available in Italy, he said air raids were still four times more expensive than if they had been launched from a carrier in the Mediterranean.

Mr Ellwood, a former Army officer, said: “The carrier’s agility and independence means it is likely to be one of the first assets deployed to any hotspot around the globe.”

He said a single carrier would only be available around 200 days per year because of maintenance work.

Last week backbenchers on the Public Accounts Committee warned the aircraft carrier programme faced further spiralling costs.

The project remained a “high risk” because technical problems had not been resolved and there was potential for “uncontrolled growth” in the final bill.

The committee also said a decision to change the type of planes to fly from the carriers had wasted tens of millions of pounds.

The Ministry of Defence had originally opted for jump jet versions of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, then switched to the carrier variant, only to return to the jump jets again last year when costs soared.

Philip Hammond, Defence Secretary, said no decision would be made on what to do with the two carriers until the 2015 strategic defence and security review.

But money saved by reverting to the jump jet F-35s meant there was the possibility of having two operational carriers.

He said: “Of course there are operational cost implications of holding two carriers available rather than one, but we will weigh very carefully the benefits of that and the costs of that in the review.”

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/10297397/Britain-must-have-two-aircraft-carriers-to-be-global-player.html